Groups Condemn Sale of Deadly Attack Helicopters to Indonesia

Contact: Contact: John M. Miller, +1-917-690-4391, etan@etan.org
Ed McWilliams, +1-575-648-2078

August 26, 2013 - The East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN) and the West Papua Advocacy Team (WPAT) today condemned the U.S. government's decision to approve the sale of deadly Apache attack helicopters to Indonesia. The sale demonstrates that U.S. concern for greater respect for human rights and justice in Indonesia are nothing more than hollow rhetoric.


 
The new Apache attack helicopters will greatly augment the capacity of the TNI to pursue "sweeping" operations, extending TNI capacity to stage operations after dark and in ever more remote areas.

The sale, announced during the visit of Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel to Jakarta, ignores the appalling record of human rights violations by the Indonesian military (TNI), which will operate this deadly weapons system.

The helicopters are offensive weapons often used in counter-insurgency campaigns.

The TNI continues to conduct military campaigns in West Papua. The military's "sweeps" and other military operations purportedly target the few remaining, lightly-armed pro-independence guerrillas. In reality, the operations are aimed at repressing and intimidating Papuans. The sweep operations, involve assaults on remote villages in West Papua, destroying civilian homes, churches and public buildings and forcing civilians from their homes. These attacks drive civilians into surrounding mountains and jungles where many have died due to a lack of food, shelter or medical assistance.

The new Apache attack helicopters will greatly augment the capacity of the TNI to pursue "sweeping" operations, extending TNI capacity to stage operations after dark and in ever more remote areas.


The statement by Indonesia's Minister of Defense that the sale does not include any conditions on the use of these weapons is especially concerning. The TNI use of these weapons platforms will be largely unconstrained. TNI personnel are not accountable to the civilian judicial system nor is the TNI as an institution subordinated to civilian government policy or operational control. For decades, the TNI has drawn funding from a vast network of legal and illegal businesses enabling it to evade even civilian government budgetary controls. Legislation to restrain the TNI has been weak or only partially implemented.
 
U.S. Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel, second from left, meets with Indonesia President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, in Jakarta, Aug. 26, 2013. DOD photo by U.S. Marine Corps Sgt. Aaron Hostutler 
Background

On Monday August 26, Secretary of Defense Hagel announced that the U.S. had closed a deal for Indonesia to buy eight AH-64E Apache attack helicopters for a half a billion dollars. The U.S. did not attach conditions restricting their use.

The sale represents the latest step in the Pentagon's increased engagement with the TNI. In 1999, restrictions on U.S. engagement with the Indonesia military were tightened as the TNI and its militia allies were destroying East Timor (now Timor-Leste) following the UN-conducted referendum on independence. Through the 2000s, restrictions on engagement with the Indonesian military were gradually lifted, even though it remained unaccountable for its past crimes in Timor-Leste and throughout the archipelago  and rights violations continue in West Papua and elsewhere.

Last year, ETAN and WPAT coordinated a letter signed by more than 90 organizations urging the U.S. not to sell the deadly attack helicopters to Indonesia. The groups warned that the helicopters will escalate conflicts in Indonesia, especially in the rebellious region of West Papua: "Providing these helicopters would pose a direct threat to Papuan civilians."

ETAN, formed in 1991 and advocates for democracy, justice and human rights for Timor-Leste and Indonesia. Since its founding, ETAN has worked to condition U.S. military assistance to Indonesia on respect for human rights and genuine reform. See ETAN's web site:http://www.etan.org WPAT publishes the monthly West Papua Report.



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Rare earth element Indium reported in Bisbee mine tailings

The rare earth element Indium, used in photovoltaic solar panels, has been found in the mine tailings from  Bisbee, according to Alan Koenig, a USGS geologist in charge of a project to re-examine thousands of samples from major mineral deposits collected over the last 150 years, in hopes of finding minerals that were overlooked when the main targets of gold, copper, silver, etc were recovered.    Koenig is quoted in an interview posted on Yahoo Finance's Australia website.



AZGS Bulletin 194, "Metallic Mineral Districts and Production in Arizona," reports that the Warren mining district produced 355 million pounds of zinc, so having Indium in waste there makes sense, according to Nyal Niemuth, chief of our Economic Geology Section and former Chief Engineer of the AZ Dept. of Mines & Mineral Resources. [Right, Lavender Pit, Bisbee]






Lawsuit filed against Rosemont mine aquifer protection permit

Last Thursday was the deadline for cooperating agencies to submit their comments to the Forest Service on the Final EIS for the proposed Rosemont copper mine south of Tucson.

On Friday, a group of organizations and individuals filed suit against the Arizona Water Quality Appeals Board to overturn their upholding of the Aquifer Protection Permit issued to Augusta Resources for the mine.  The group wants the WQAB decision reversed and the permit application sent back to the Arizona Dept. of Environmental Quality to be reconsidered using criteria the mine opponents say should have been used.  [Right, geologic cross section through proposed mine site.  Credit, Rosemont Copper]


Rosemont's been riding a wave of positive developments this summer with an Administrative Law Judge's upholding of the Aquifer Protection Permit followed by the WQAB decision, the release of the Final EIS, and last week's announcement that nearly $1 billion in financing has been secured to construct the mine.

There is widespread expectation that mine opponents will be filing numerous lawsuits to try to prevent or at least delay mine construction from beginning in 2014.

Pedalling for Papua in NYC August 22, 2013


Pedalling for Papua
Thursday, August 22, 2013, 7:00pm
Maryhouse, 55 E Third St, New York City (Lower East Side)


for more information contact: etan@etan.org or call 917-690-4391

RSVP on Facebook

Pedalling for Papua is coming to New York City! A 12,000 kilometer international bicycling and performance tour, Pedalling for Papua aims to raise awareness of the 50 year old human rights and environmental abuse in the underreported region of West Papua.

As home to the bird of paradise, the second largest jungle remaining in the world, and our planet’s most bio-diverse marine zone, this beautiful region has been subject to what many observers have dubbed a slow-motion genocide. Tens of thousands of indigenous West Papuans have died as a result of the military presence and lack of development in their homeland.

This story needs to be told, and it will be. Over six months, Jeremy Bally will tour a multimedia performance on his bicycle through seven countries.


The show takes recorded conversations with West Papuan exiles, refugees and activists live on stage through an original animation. 

This is projected beside Jeremy as he narrates with original spoken word poetry and ukulele based hip-hop music.

Entry is by donation. See you there!


About the Performance
In January and February 2013, Jeremy Bally conducted a series of interviews with members of the West Papuan diaspora. Among those he spoke with were musicians, students, activists, and former political prisoners. All of them identified as either refugees or exiles themselves, or having been born to refugees.

Those interviews were recorded with permission, and have been transformed into a story of West Papua by West Papuans. Now set to original animation, their story is narrated on stage through ukulele based hip hop and spoken word.

We believe that stories, when told well, have the power to change the world. Our vision for this performance is that audiences are at once engaged, educated and inspired to participate in building a peaceful future for West Papua.


Pedalling for Papua on FacebookTwitter




Free Papua Political Prisoners
Support the Appeal of Filep Karma's Daughter Sign the petition
today!


see also

Can Bisbee mine tours be kept open?

Freeport McMoRan Copper & Gold is working with local officials on ways to keep the Queen Mine in Bisbee open for public tours.  The company recently announced plans to not renew a lease on the mine due to concerns over radon levels and stability of the underground tunnels.  But the mine is a significant tourism attraction in the area, drawing an estimated 40,000 visitors a year.  [Right, photo credit, "Vision and Enterprise: Exploring the History of Phelps Dodge Corporation," by Carlos A. Schwantes.   Posted on Arizona Experience]


The radon levels reported do not appear to be a problem for occasional visitors, but tour guides and  other staff who spend extensive time in the mine could be at risk. However, the usual solution to increased radon levels is to provide greater ventilation and dilute any radon-bearing air.

Some of the news coverage of the story:






Our role in digitizing the Earth

The cover for the September issue of EARTH magazine proclaims "Geoscience Embraces BIG DATA" with a feature article inside on "Digitizing Earth" [right].

AZGS is showcased for our roles in the DOE-funded National Geothermal Data System ("One of the most successful programs to date...") and the NSF EarthCube initiative.

We are managing the largest of the four NGDS projects on behalf of the Association of American State Geologists, where we have set up distributed data nodes in most of the Geological Surveys across the country with data coming into this federated system from all 50 states.   We have over 5 million records online currently and expect that number to increase dramatically by year end.

The EarthCube program is envisioned as transforming the way geosciences are practiced,  using computer and information sciences to create a cyber-infrastructure.   AZGS is managing the EarthCube Governance Framework, the website, and leading the community engagement effort.

We just held a two-day workshop here in Tucson at the wonderful Hacienda del Sol resort, where about 30 leaders in the geosciences (Earth, atmosphere, oceans, and polar) and computer sciences gathered to share results of workshops they have organized over the past  9 months in their disciplines to consider their needs and requirements in cyberinfrastructure.

My conclusion is that there is broad consensus on what the different scientific communities want, and a lot of commonalities about the design concepts and functionalities.  This augurs well for the plans we are formulating to organize the communities and seek consensus on governance and system architecture.

Guatemalan path for Indonesian justice

Guatemalan path for Indonesian justice
By Andrew de Sousa*
Over two months ago, a packed courtroom in Guatemala City appeared to be in chaos. Many were in tears as the room filled with cries of "justicia!". The former military dictator General Efrain Rios Montt, meanwhile, was surrounded to ensure he would not escape.

What many assumed to be impossible had happened: someone was being held responsible for some of the worst human rights abuses of the past century, the genocide of the indigenous Maya of Guatemala. Despite its notoriously corrupt judicial system, Guatemala had become the first country in the world to convict a former president for genocide in its own territory. It was a legal victory for human rights everywhere and ideally will serve as precedent for holding other leaders accountable, including in Indonesia.

While separated by some 16,000 kilometers of Pacific Ocean, Guatemala and Indonesia have similar modern histories. At the beginning of the Cold War, the United States government felt threatened by progressive, leftist movements in both countries. A decade before the Central Intelligence Agency supported General Suharto's rise to power, the democratically-elected Guatemalan president Jacobo Arbenz was ousted in a CIA-backed coup d'etat, just two years after legalizing the communist party and 18 months into a modest land reform program perceived as a threat to US business interests.

Throughout the Cold War, the US provided support to both the Indonesian and Guatemalan militaries under the pretext of stopping the spread of Communism. Just as perceived links to the Communist Party of Indonesia, or Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI), or Chinese ethnicity were used to justify the massacre of as many as one million Indonesians, the Guatemalan military killed an estimated 200,000 mostly unarmed indigenous Mayans who were assumed to be guerrilla sympathizers based solely on their ethnicity. Before the purge, the PKI was the world's largest non-ruling communist party.

In the late 1970s and early 1980s, while the Indonesian military's atrocities extended to the annexed island of East Timor, now known as Timor-Leste, across the Pacific a succession of military regimes increased their repression of the Guatemalan people. While thousands of activists were disappeared in the cities, the military conducted a scorched earth campaign against the entire Maya population.

While then US president Ronald Reagan applauded the "wise and steadfast leadership" of General Suharto, his praise for Guatemalan General Rios Montt was even more effusive. According to Reagan, the military dictator who oversaw the 16 bloodiest months of the 36-year conflict in Guatemala was "a man of great personal integrity and commitment".

The conflict in Guatemala officially ended with the signing of the 1996 Peace Accords. The government agreed to uphold international human rights standards, end extra-judicial or clandestine security forces, stop extra-judicial executions and enforced disappearances, and create a United Nations-supported Historical Clarification Commission. The commission found that acts of genocide had occurred, with successive military governments responsible for 626 separate massacres and 93% of the deaths during the conflict, with 83% of the victims being indigenous Maya.

Still, for almost 15 years after the Peace Accords, Guatemalan courts refused to hold high-ranking officials responsible for the atrocities of the 1980s. A group of brave Maya survivors, organized as the Association for Justice and Reconciliation (AJR), helped to change that.

In 2000 and 2001, AJR filed legal charges of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes against two former presidents, Romeo Lucas Garcia and Rios Montt, and their top military commands. The move appeared quixotic: Rios Montt enjoyed immunity as a sitting member of parliament, and his political ally, Alfonso Portillo, was president. With a lack of political will among judges and public prosecutors, the case stalled under the regularly filed appeals of defense lawyers.

In 2006, however, the system began to change. The UN created an International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala, placing an international prosecutor in Guatemala to target organized crime. Then, in 2011, four low-level former soldiers were convicted and sentenced to 6,060 years in prison each for their role in the 1982 Dos Erres Massacre, the first time members of the military were found guilty for atrocities committed during the 1980s. A year later a fifth soldier was convicted and sentenced. When Rios Montt left parliament in 2012, he was placed under house arrest pending trial.

Within a year, Rios Montt was before a three-judge panel. Over six weeks, the court heard evidence of the military's systematic rape, torture and murder of rural subsistence farmers targeted merely for being from the Ixil Maya communities. Experts provided evidence that Rios Montt was fully aware and in command of these scorched earth operations, making him culpable of genocide. Rios Montt was sentenced to 80 years and immediately taken to prison.

On May 20, in an unprecedented ruling 10 days after the conviction, the Constitutional Court annulled the second half of the trial. Rios Montt was back under house arrest and many lamented a major defeat for the pursuit of justice. While the reversal was unwanted, for those most involved it was far from unexpected. From the beginning, the trial was not only about Rios Montt but also about to create a process of justice for Guatemala as a whole - and the elite in particular - to acknowledge that what had happened to the poor and indigenous Ixil Maya population was illegal and wrong.

The trial gave the people of Ixil a national stage to tell their story. Their testimony was broadcast and the public heard how children were forced to watch their parents being killed and fetuses ripped from their mothers' wombs. A former solider testified how the current president, Otto Perez Molina, ordered his troops at the time to burn villages and kill anyone who tried to escape. The most powerful message of all was "si hubo genocido!", or that genocide did occur. This motto was a rallying cry for an emboldened fight for justice - what was once only said in private or abroad was now in the open.

While impunity still reigns in Guatemala, it is only a momentary victory. The testimony of dozens of survivors, built upon decades of struggle and resistance, engendered hope more powerful than any court ruling. By refusing to let those in power silence them, some of the poorest and most oppressed people in the Western Hemisphere were able to accomplish the impossible. By holding Rios Montt accountable, if only temporarily, they have shown that it is possible for justice to prevail in even the most unlikely of circumstances.

Who is to say that the same cannot happen in the courts of Jakarta or the fledgling legal system in recently independent Timor-Leste? Certain prominent Indonesian politicians, including former military generals and at least one presidential hopeful, could easily be found culpable for human rights abuses if justice was legitimately pursued. While Guatemala's fight for justice has only now gained traction, 15 years after the initial calls ofreformasi and Indonesia still has not come to terms with its genocidal past.

In the words of Guatemalan genocide survivor Edwin Canil, "This has got a long way to go yet. It's just a question of who gets tired first: them or us. But we're still here and staying firm."

* Andrew de Sousa is with the Bangkok-based Focus on the Global South and a member of the board of the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN),

also published in Speaking Freely at Asia Times Online 

(Copyright 2013 Andrew de Sousa)